The next session will bear witness to an unprecedented amount of political power to fall into political dynasties, especially in the Senate where four pairs of siblings will make up one-third of the body. The trend, in conjunction with an unfinished impeachment hearing and problems with leadership in Congress, introduces a critical stage for democracy which needs to be questioned by those who will inherit this political system.
From our perspective, we see with increasing concern the manner in which political dynasties have systematically consolidated power, rendering meaningful reform increasingly hard to reach. The 20th Congress inherits not just legislative responsibilities but also carries with it the task of addressing structural deficiencies perpetuating dynastic politics as well as its attempt to grapple with declining constitutional processes that expose the fragility of our democratic institutions.
A family business in the Senate
The composition of the 20th Congress Senate represents the most extensive sibling representation in legislative history, with four pairs of brothers and sisters occupying eight of the 24 senatorial seats. The Cayetano siblings—Alan Peter Cayetano and Pia Cayetano—continue their alternating pattern of Senate representation that has persisted since 2004, with only 2016 as an exception. Tulfo brothers Erwin Tulfo and Raffy Tulfo translate media influence to the legislative branch, with the former securing the 4th Senate seat in the midterm election with more than 17.1 million votes. The Villar family's presence was supplemented by siblings Mark Villar and Camille Villar, with the latter winning 10th spot in the elections while their mother, Cynthia Villar, defended their dynasty as a "good dynasty.” Meanwhile, half-brothers Jinggoy Estrada and JV Ejercito hold the Senate term in the last Congress.
This concentration of familial power extends beyond numerical representation. Research conducted by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) identifies at least two dozen political dynasties seeking to occupy five or more seats each following the 2025 elections. Political science professor Julio Teehankee describes dynasties exceeding four or five family members as "obese," stating that such concentration is "not good for the health of democracy".
The correlation of political dynasties and underdevelopment is witnessed by the fact that political dynasty-controlled areas are found to have a high incidence of poverty, studies verifying correlations between political family concentrations and low development.
This dynasty-driven political culture affects the governance processes within families that tend to prioritize their private interests over the common good, as noted by Luie Guia, a former COMELEC commissioner. According to him, political dynasties flaunt their statuses like “product brands” unlike in the past where they used to assume defensive postures. The situation where one family has executive and legislative power in a politically defined area leads to a breakdown of democratic oversight due to lack of balancing forces at play.
Impeachment in limbo
The 20th Congress inherits an unresolved impeachment process against Vice President Sara Duterte that exposes fundamental weaknesses in the political system. On Feb. 5, the House of Representatives impeached Duterte with 240 lawmakers endorsing the complaint, making her the first vice president to face impeachment.
The articles of impeachment, citing betrayal of public trust, culpable violation of the Constitution, graft and corruption, and other high crimes, were transmitted to the Senate the same day. However, the Senate's handling of the impeachment reveals institutional dysfunction that undermines constitutional processes.
Senate President Francis Escudero postponed the presentation of Articles of Impeachment multiple times, ultimately deferring action until after the 19th Congress adjourned sine die. President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. acknowledges that the impeachment trial will cross over to the 20th Congress, stating there is "no way that even if they start the trial now, that they will finish it before the new senators come in."
This creates what legal experts describe as "constitutionally precarious implications" regarding the continuity of impeachment proceedings across congressional sessions. The Senate's decision to return Duterte's case to the House without dismissing or terminating it, by an 18-5 vote, establishes a concerning precedent for legislative dysfunction.
This action leaves the impeachment process in constitutional limbo, with new House members in the 20th Congress inheriting articles of impeachment from their predecessors. The debate over whether impeachment trials can carry over to subsequent congressional sessions reveals gaps in institutional procedures that political actors exploit for partisan advantage. Such procedural uncertainties undermine the impeachment mechanism's effectiveness as a constitutional check on executive power, potentially emboldening future officials to act with impunity.
The battle for opposition control
The question of who will lead the minority bloc—whether it will be the Duterte-aligned senators or the traditional opposition led by Senator Risa Hontiveros alongside newly elected senators Benigno “Bam” Aquino and Francis "Kiko" Pangilinan—has created unprecedented uncertainty in the Senate's organizational structure.
Senator Hontiveros, who has served as a consistent opposition voice throughout the 19th Congress alongside Senate Minority Leader Aquilino "Koko" Pimentel III, has openly declared her intentions to maintain minority leadership in the 20th Congress. Speaking at the Kapihan sa Senado, she expressed confidence about expanding the minority bloc with the addition of senators-elect Aquino and Pangilinan.
"That's the goal of any minority bloc from an outgoing Congress—especially if they've succeeded in getting additional allied senators elected—to still be able to form the minority in the next Congress," she said.
However, Hontiveros has prepared contingency plans should the traditional minority structure face challenges from competing blocs. She assures that the organization of the Senate will return fundamentally "to numbers" and has articulated her "Plan B" to form an independent bloc if the Duterte bloc is crowned minority.
"Kung makukuha nila 'yung label ng minority, may option pa rin po ako or kami kung mag-decision po kami na isang independent bloc na magpapatuloy talaga sa pag-check and balance," Hontiveros said, confirming she will look for other ways to organize as an opposition while affirming her commitment to scrutinize the budget.
The possibility of two competing opposition groups creates "probable scenario that there would be two groups that will seek to be the minority bloc in the next Congress," as Hontiveros has posited. Never before has such a situation transpiring today and it speaks to larger challenges for political opposition i.e., ideological differences-strategic diverging of anti-Duterte and anti-Marcos groups-failures to unify their resistance to dynastic politics and institutional capture.
The resolution of minority leadership questions will significantly impact the Senate's capacity to provide effective oversight and opposition voice in the 20th Congress.
Can we achieve a democratic reform?
As we prepare for the convening of the 20th Congress, we must confront a political system that seems increasingly resistant to any meaningful reform. Political dynasties have been entrenched, existing constitutional processes have been distorted or disregarded altogether, and power is concentrated with familial cliques.
The sibling majority in the Senate is more than an oddity of statistics—it reflects the systematic capture of democratic institutions by political elites whose hereditary privileged view of public service treats public office like family property rather than an institutional trust.
The unresolved impeachment of Vice President Duterte illustrates both the weaknesses of our constitutional machinery and the ability of political actors to utilize procedural grey areas to their own partisan advantage. This dysfunction does not just affect the circumstance of a single case; it creates precedents that further deteriorate institutional legitimacy and the public's faith in democratic processes.
As future economic contributors and inheritors of this political system, we cannot simply let this institutional decline drift. That the minority bloc has gradually grown is a glimpse of hope; but for it to become an effective check on political dynasties, supplementary effort and public support are necessary. At the end of the day, it will be the responsibility of voters to demand accountability of both our elected officials and our political dynasties that show their loyalty to family and clan over nation.
Until substantive anti-dynasty legislation is enacted and enforced, democracy will continue to operate as a system where political power remains the exclusive domain of established families, perpetuating cycles of underdevelopment and limiting opportunities for genuine public service. The 20th Congress will be a benchmark for institutional resilience and democratic commitment.
Time will tell if the 20th Congress will deal with systemic issues or reinforce a dynastic rule; however, what is certain is that the stakes have never been higher for a democracy and that there is less time for meaningful reform at every plenary session.
The choice, and responsibility, is not with those politicians already occupying the political space in Congress, but with us who have the opportunity to vote them out until the next election.
